Crime, Policy and the Media: The Shaping of Criminal by Jon Silverman

By Jon Silverman

Media clamour on concerns when it comes to crime, justice and civil liberties hasn't ever been extra insistent. if it is the homicide of James Bulger or detaining terrorist suspects for lengthy sessions with no trial, mediated remark has grown immeasurably over the last twenty years. So, how does it engage with and form coverage in those fields? How do the politicians either reply to and take a look at to control the media which permeates our society and culture?

Crime, coverage and the Media is the 1st educational textual content to map the connection among a speedily altering media and policymaking in legal justice. Spanning the interval, 1989-2010, it examines a couple of case reviews – terrorism, medicines, sentencing, policing and public safeguard, among others – and interrogates key policy-makers (including six former domestic Secretaries, a former Lord leader Justice, Attorney-General, senior law enforcement officials, govt advisers and best commentators) in regards to the effect of the media on their pondering and perform.

Bolstered through content material and framing research, it argues that, in particular, within the final decade, worry of media feedback and the day-by-day Mail impression has limited the policymaking schedule in crime and justice, concluding that the increasing effect of the net and net 2.0 has started to undermine a few of the ways that organizations akin to the police have won and held a presentational virtue.

Written by way of a former BBC domestic Affairs Correspondent, with unrivalled entry to the top reaches of policy-making, it really is either academically rigorous and obtainable and may be of curiosity to either students and practitioners in media and felony justice.

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6 Commenting on this period in which the judges appeared to have been without a single high-level protector, the legal editor of the Daily Telegraph, Joshua Rozenberg, said that the Lord Chancellor had left them ‘to swing in the wind’ (House of Lords Select Committee on the Constitution 2007: 21). It is hard to disagree. If one were entering pleas of mitigation on behalf of John Reid and Lord Falconer, it might be said that the one intervened in the Sweeney case almost as a reflex response, while the other stayed silent because he was still adjusting to the changes to the role of Lord Chancellor brought about by the Constitutional Reform Act 2005.

It is no surprise that, in his annual report for 2007/8, an exasperated Bridges attacked the media for ‘increasingly values-opinionated “position-taking”… making it increasingly difficult to conduct a rational debate on the criminal justice system’ (Bridges 2008). His view that the media should focus on ‘mundane truths’ rather than ‘exciting fallacies’ might have applied equally to government ministers. As soon as the tabloids had waved the red flag of the HRA in front of the public in the spring and summer of 2006, both Number 10 and the Lord Chancellor, Lord Falconer, who, in other circumstances, had hailed the Act as one of New Labour’s landmark achievements, were swift to demonstrate their concern by indicating that it could be amended.

Simon Jenkins is in no doubt: It is the politicians’ duty to take the media as it is and bend it to their will. Politicians know this to be true. But they’re scared of the press. Look at all those ministers who used to be members of civil liberties groups but now will not confront the tabloid press on crime and justice issues. I’ve had this conversation with Jack Straw about drugs. He says: ‘Better talk to the Daily Mail not me’. Interview with author, 21 June 2010 But real cases present politicians, whatever their intentions, with hard choices.

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