Crime and Inequality by Chris Grover

By Chris Grover

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This is problematic in a social sense, but also financially because young people receive less in benefit payments than older people do. So, for example, in 2006/07 IS and income-based JSA, the main social assistance benefits were a fifth lower for 18 –24 year olds than they were for those aged 25 and over. Young people aged 16 and 17, except in tightly drawn circumstances that are related to familial separation, are excluded from receiving such benefits altogether. Where 16- and 17-year-olds do qualify for benefit – and these will be some of the most vulnerable in society – they are entitled to only three-fifths of the main ‘adult rate’ of IS and income-based JSA.

Hence, Chiricos (1987: 188) describes there being a ‘consensus of doubt’ regarding the relationships between crime and unemployment between the mid 1970s and mid 1980s. However, Chiricos goes on to argue that evidence of a positive relationship between crime and unemployment is more common in studies using data after the 1970s (the work, for instance, of Carr-Hill and Stern and Tarling had been based upon pre-1970s evidence). In many ways, this should not be surprising, for unemployment rose to unprecedented levels in the mid 1980s.

The social integrationist discourse (SID) is perhaps the most narrowly focused discourse, for its concern is with unemployment and economic inactivity. Social cohesion can be achieved through the inclusion of workless people in paid employment. New Labour’s social and criminal justice policies reflect a combination of the elements of some or all three discourses. : 28), for instance, argues that New Labour has moved ‘significantly away from RED towards an inconsistent combination of SID and MUD’, while R.

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