Constituent Syntax: Quantification, Numerals, Possession, by Philip Baldi

By Philip Baldi

New views on ancient Latin Syntax: Constituent Syntax (Quantification, Numerals, ownership, Anaphora) is the 3rd of 4 volumes facing the long term evolution of Latin syntax, approximately from the 4th century BCE as much as the sixth century CE. basically an extension of quantity 2, quantity three concentrates on extra subsentential syntactic phenomena and their long term evolution from the earliest texts as much as the past due Latin interval. integrated in quantity three are special remedies of quantification, numerals, ownership, and deixis/anaphora. As within the different volumes, the non-technical type and broad representation with classical examples makes the content material readable and instantly helpful to the widest viewers. Key good points first ebook to investigates the long term syntactic historical past of Latin commonly available to linguists and non-linguists theoretically coherent, formulated in functional-typological phrases doesn't require analyzing fluency in Latin, seeing that all examples are translated into English

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Aula Paperback no. 176. ) Amsterdam: Benjamins. Bennett, Charles E. 1910–1914 Syntax of Early Latin, I: The Verb; II: The Cases. Boston: Allyn & Bacon (repr. 1966 Hildesheim: Olms). Condoravi, Cleo and Paul Kiparsky 2001 Clitics and clause structure. Journal of Greek Linguistics 2: no page numbers. Croft, William 1991 Syntactic Categories and Grammatical Organization. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press. Draeger, Anton A. 1878–1881 Historische Syntax der lateinischen Sprache. ). Leipzig: Teubner. Ernout, Alfred and François Thomas 1964 Syntaxe latine.

Quis is in fact found in interrogative and conditional clauses, but not in imperative clauses. This is to be related to the fact that the referents of indefinites in interrogative and conditional clauses are only to be considered virtual or possible, while in imperative clauses they are given as existing, at least from the point of view of the speaker, even if they are not identified. The necessity of marking a distinction between the two features constituting “specificity” – presupposition of existence and unique identifiability – seems to be in order.

B. Wer kommt da? Da kommt wer (= Jemand (*wer) kommt da) An analogous situation is found in Latin, where the form of the interrogative pronoun quis is identical to that of the indefinite quis, but they differ in that only the interrogative is clause-initial. Furthermore, the interrogative quis is tonic while the indefinite quis is atonic and enclitic. As Haspelmath suggests, bare interrogatives as indefinites may occur in all non-emphatic nonspecific functions; they are therefore excluded from past or current present affirmative declarative clauses, where indefinites must be specific.

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