Becoming neighbors in a Mexican American community: power, by Gilda L. Ochoa

By Gilda L. Ochoa

At the floor, Mexican american citizens and Mexican immigrants to the us appear to percentage a typical cultural id yet frequently make uneasy buddies. Discrimination and assimilationist regulations have stimulated generations of Mexican american citizens in order that a few now worry that the prestige they've got won through assimilating into American society can be jeopardized through Spanish-speaking newbies. different Mexican american citizens, even if, undertake a place of staff cohesion and paintings to raised the social stipulations and academic possibilities of Mexican immigrants. concentrating on the Mexican-origin, working-class urban of los angeles Puente in l. a. County, California, this e-book examines Mexican american citizens' daily attitudes towards and interactions with Mexican immigrants--a subject that has up to now got little severe examine. utilizing in-depth interviews, player observations, tuition board assembly mins, and different old records, Gilda Ochoa investigates how Mexican americans are negotiating their relationships with immigrants at an interpersonal point within the areas the place they store, worship, study, and lift their households. This learn into day-by-day lives highlights the centrality of girls within the technique of negotiating and construction groups and sheds new gentle on id formation and staff mobilization within the U.S. and on academic matters, specially bilingual schooling. It additionally enhances prior experiences at the impression of immigration at the wages and employment possibilities of Mexican american citizens. (200601)

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Extra resources for Becoming neighbors in a Mexican American community: power, conflict, and solidarity

Example text

It is an approach that has affected popular discourse, and it captures the perceptions of a number of La Puente residents. ’’ (Steinberg , ) As illustrated in Steinberg’s () Ethnic Myth, power-conflict theorists have critiqued the assimilationist paradigm for its failure to explain the experiences of Mexican Americans and other groups of color. Critics argue that most assimilationists do not sufficiently analyze the system of inequality Theorizing about Mexican American–Mexican Immigrant Relations 23 or the historical backgrounds and material conditions of different racial/ ethnic groups.

Los Angeles was the preferred destination, and the Mexican-origin population in the county increased from , in  to ,, in  (Acuña , ). Compared to previous waves of Mexican migration, this phase was characterized by a greater representation of women, families, and children (Portes and Bach ; Durand and Massey ; Hondagneu-Sotelo ). A significant number were related to individuals who had worked in the United States as part of the Bracero Program. They legalized their status through their employers and were now able to bring their families to the United States under the family reunification preference system established in .

The propaganda used to advocate and justify such expulsions reinforced the image of Mexican immigrants and Mexican Americans as ‘‘non-Americans,’’ ‘‘aliens,’’ and ‘‘the other’’ (Guerin-Gonzales ). Despite the anti-immigrant and anti-Mexican sentiment of the s, the onset of World War II brought new labor demands. In  the United States government initiated the Bracero Program, a contract worker program with Mexico, and thousands of Mexican workers were recruited. This program, which lasted from  to , provided Mexicans with temporary work visas and the United States with a cheap reserve army of labor to replace Mexican Americans who fought in World War II and Japanese Americans who were interned in concentration camps (Acuña ; Amott and Matthaei ).

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